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Current Crisis


Zimbabwean authorities arrested two gay-rights activists for displaying signs critical of President Robert Mugabe’s stance on homosexuality and “undermining” the 86-year-old leader’s authority.

Ellen Chademana and Ingatius Muhambi of the Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe pressure group were arrested on May 21 after a police search of their offices in the capital, Harare, Kumbirai Mafunda, a lawyer with Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, said in a telephone interview from the city today.

“Police allege that Chademana and Muhambi displayed a plaque from former San Francisco Mayor Willie Lewis Brown in their office in which the African-American denounces President Robert Mugabe’s homophobia against gays and lesbians,” he said.

In 1995, Mugabe told a crowd including diplomats that homosexuals were “lower than pigs or dogs.” He has been the target of gay-rights activists on trips to Europe. Police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena confirmed that Chademana and Muhambi were in police custody, though he declined to discuss the charges against them.

Chademana and Muhambi also face charges of possession of “indecent material,” Mafunda said.

“Some of the items seized from the GALZ office were taken during an illegal search without a warrant and will be contested in court,” he said.

The two activists may spend a fifth night in custody tonight because the courts are closed due to a public holiday, Mafunda said.

Zimbabwe is one of 38 countries in Africa that have laws criminalizing homosexuality, some with the death penalty, according to the website of the Brussels-based International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association’s website.

(Source)

The President of the newly formed MDC99 Job Sikhala has now been formally charged for insulting the Robert Mugabe at a political gathering at Arcadia Hall, amid other accusations that he has in possession arms of war, his party spokesman said.

Party spokesman said, “President Sikhala and our Party Spokesperson will spend this Weekend in Police custody. They are detained at Harare Central Police Station Law and Order Section where new charges have been preferred against them.”

In a statement posted to The Zimbabwe Mail, party spokesman said, “President Sikhala now stands accused of insulting the office of President during our meeting at Arcadia Hall on Thursday plus the initial charge under POSA.

The statement went on to say, “the party wishes to inform you that Armed Police raided our President house in St Marys this morning around 1 am. They said they were looking for ARMS OF WAR kept there.”

Inspector Mukwaira of CID Law and Order led the group.

Hundreds of disgruntled Zimbabweans, fed-up with the current political system have shown some unprecedented support of Job Sikhala’s recently formed MDC 99, a report revealed.

The party formed and founded by disgruntled former MDC-T and MDC-M has received massive support from Zimbabwean masses, this website have found out.

Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara have joined President Mugabe’s ZANU PF government, in a coalition that has failed to take-off the ground, much to the frustration of millions of suffering Zimbabweans.

Sikhala, a veteran Zimbabwean opposition politician, is a former MP for St Marys in Chitungwiza. He played a pivotal role together Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, Tafadzwa Musekiwa and the late Learnmore Jongwe in the formation of the MDC in 1999.

And yesterday, more than a week after MDC-99 was launched by Sikhala, it became clear that more Zimbabweans are getting more disgruntled judging by the public support Sikhala’s new party was enjoying.

The party has announced that they will hold their first election in Harare to elect the party’s leadership.

In an interview with, the MDC99 founding president Mr Sikhala, said internal party elections will be held on Thursday to elect office holders for the Harare Province.

He said his party was growing at an “impressive” rate, hence the need to have structures in all provinces and districts across Zimbabwe.

“Zimbabwean masses are flocking to join the new party. The number of people joining the party daily is unprecedented; the party is growing at an alarming speed. I don’t know if the other parties still have anyone left behind them. The MDC 99 juggernaut is cruising on the road to new Zimbabwe, leaving no one behind.

“The response by people across the breadth and width of Zimbabwe is overwhelming. Zimbabweans have responded to the call to retrace our foot steps back to the founding principles of the MDC. The overwhelming response has shown how Zimbabweans are determined to see their total emancipation from dictatorship” said Sikhala.

Sikhala also said the elections were precipitated by the public who want to see the party grow from strength to strength.

“We have been taken by surprise by the surge of people leaving other parties to join MDC 99. The numbers forced us to set Thursday date for Harare provincial election to help in the administration of the party.

“We are quickly arranging logistics to hold elections in other provinces. Thereafter the party will embark on nationwide rallies, the first being the Zaka rally on the 29th of May,” he said.

The party’s headquarters at the Old Mutual House in Harare’s central business district has since its formation swarmed by Zimbabweans from all walks of life wishing to join Sikhala’s party. The  MDC 99 whose foundation basis are the MDC founding principles and values as of 1999 has brought hope to Zimbabwean masses who have become sceptical of MDC-T  after joining Mugabe in government.

(Source)

The power struggles in the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai have re-ignited debate on who really pulls the strings in the former opposition party. Party president Tsvangirai and Tendai Biti, the secretary-general, were always seen as the main protagonists. But Ian Makone’s name continues to pop up in the fray. In political circles he has always been touted as a financier, king-maker and eminence grise behind the MDC-T but he has not been popular among the rank and file of the party.

Makone, a permanent secretary and adviser to Tsvangirai, is widely considered a “Johnny-come-lately” in the party who landed the top post from “nowhere” and is accused of destabilising MDC-T. His close relationship with Tsvangirai has also become a source of discomfort among some senior members of the party. Senior MDC officials say their advice and even access to the PM has been curtailed by Makone.

“Makone has ring-fenced Tsvangirai and it is now difficult to have access to him,’” said one MDC-T official who requested anonymity.

“This is why there is factionalism as some members feel Makone is getting too powerful and yet he only came in much later.”

They claimed that Makone came close to Tsvangirai at a time when the party was facing serious financial problems. Makone and his wife Theresa, the sources said, bailed out the party by paying salaries for MDC-T staff as well as pumping out money for the day-to-day operations.

“He came in as a donor because he has good connections in the white community and the corporate world where he worked for a long time,” said another a senior MDC-T official who requested anonymity.

“So this is now pay-back time for Tsvangirai.”

The current factionalism and violence has been linked to a power struggle between Biti and Makone. The two are reportedly jostling for the position of secretary-general which Biti holds, ahead of the party’s national congress next year. When the MDC split into two factions in 2005, Makone was outvoted by Biti but sources said the permanent secretary, an astute businessman and political schemer, is still determined to take up that post to consolidate his position in the popular movement.

Makone joined the party a few years after its formation through Professor Welshman Ncube’s office. Ncube was then secretary-general but Makone managed to manoeuvre his way into Tsvangirai’s inner circle. But he rose to prominence when he was appointed as one of the first political negotiators between MDC and Zanu PF after the disputed 2002 Presidential elections. He was later appointed director of elections.

It was during this tenure that he was arrested, detained and tortured by security forces in the aftermath of the March 2007 police brutalities. He was accused of training MDC activists to bomb police stations across the country. Before joining politics, Makone ran several businesses and sat on many boards of parastatals. He was also a chairman of First Mutual Life Society (FMLS), the country’s second largest life assurance company, where he worked with Norman Sachikonye, who is now a principal director in the Prime Minister’s Office.

In 2002, there was a campaign to have Makone placed on the European Union sanctions list imposed on President Robert Mugabe and his cronies because FMLS relied heavily on companies with government links such as Olivine and Zisco.

“Some have wondered why he has not been included on the list of persons barred from visiting America if his company benefits from government-owned company pensions,” wrote The Herald then.

Makone, the first black general manager of the Grain Marketing Board (GMB), also worked for Manica Freight Services, where he was responsible for the southern Africa region including countries such as Tanzania and Kenya. Sources said Makone is close to the Minister of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion Elton Mangoma after they worked together at the Agricultural Finance Corporation (AFC) now Agribank. Then he was the chairman of the corporation.

Those close to Makone said he accumulated his vast wealth as a consultant for Mugabe’s administration through his businesses and the several companies he chaired before venturing into politics. Repeated efforts to get a comment from Makone were fruitless last week. His office said he was in meetings for the greater part of the week. On Saturday, he refused to talk to The Standard on party spokesperson Nelson Chamisa’s mobile phone. Chamisa however denied that Makone was preventing party officials and supporters from accessing Tsvangirai.

“The president is accessible at all levels,” said Chamisa. “Our challenge is actually that he is too much accessible which however is not even a problem considering that we are a broad-based party.”

He also refuted allegations that Makone at one point financed the party saying the allegations are malicious.

“There is no basis for such kind of malicious and dishonest allegations,” Chamisa said.

“Makone is a loyal and dedicated cadre of the party and his credentials are beyond scrutinising and questioning.”

Chamisa could not confirm whether Makone was once a government consultant.

Apart from owning several properties in Harare, his towering two-storey house in rural Domboshava, just outside Harare, is a spectacle. The house is guarded by armed state security details. However, in politics the name Makone has become synonymous with factionalism in the MDC-T over the past few years. His wife, Theresa, has also been entangled in factionalism after she allegedly elbowed Lucia Matibenga out of the race to lead the MDC-T’s women’s assembly in 2007, nearly splitting the party again into two camps.

In that conflict Tsvangirai supported Theresa to the chagrin of many of his supporters. But what further baffles those in the MDC-T is that while Makone appears to be very close to Tsvangirai, Theresa is a confidante of Jocelyn Chiwenga, the wife of Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) commander Constantine Chiwenga. The Public Works minister confirmed to the Zimbabwe Independent in 2007 that Jocelyn was her “long-standing friend”.

Ironically, Jocelyn’s husband is one of the service chiefs who have vowed not to salute Tsvangirai even if he wins an election to become the president of the country.

(Source)

Roy Bennett has no place in the inclusive Government because he is not just a former member of the notorious Selous Scouts but is an “unrepentant Rhodie” who even tried to undermine the country’s independence in 1980, war veterans and political analysts have said.

It is understood that Bennett was behind the formation of the Republican Front (RF) and later the Conservative Alliance of Zimbabwe (CAZ) - parties that were formed by racist white Rhodies during the early days of the country’s independence.

Reports indicate that Bennett was part of a group of Rhodies that confronted other whites who had defected to join ZANU PF in the early 1980s.

MDC-T leader Mr Morgan Tsvangirai nominated Bennett to the position of Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Mechanisation and Irrigation Development.

However, he has not been appointed to the post and following his acquittal by the High Court last week on terrorism, banditry, insurgency and trying to overthrow President Mugabe from power in 2006, some quarters said the way was clear for his appointment.

However, the leader of the war veterans in the country, Cde Jabulani Sibanda, said Bennett was the connecting factor to the tenets of Rhodesia.

“During the struggle, a lot of people were butchered, maimed and tortured by the Selous Scouts,” he said.

“There is a lot that the group perpetrated. We even had people burnt by some acid.

“There is no way we can tolerate Bennett.

“For us to accommodate people like Bennett is an insult to those who liberated the country.”

The Selous Scouts was a special unit of the Rhodesian army which operated between 1973 and the attainment of independence in 1980.

The brutal regiment helped to perpetuate Ian Smith’s apartheid system whose policy was segregationist.

The regiment earned the name “psychopathic killers” for its brutality and it is believed that it was behind the deaths of about 68 percent of the liberation fighters.

Notable were the gruesome deaths at Nyadzonia Camp in Mozambique, where more than 1200 black Zimbabweans died after an attack.

The Selous Scouts were also responsible for the killing of refugees at Chimoio, Tembwe, Mkushi, Luangwa and Solwezi, where men, women and children lie today buried in mass graves.

Cde Sibanda said the “monster” that Bennett represents should not be tolerated.

“It was the most feared apartheid regime in Africa. It is shocking that the whole MDC is appearing like the transformation of Rhodesians,” he said.

Political analyst Professor Jonathan Moyo said it was unacceptable politically to give room to Bennett in the inclusive Government.

“He represents the unforgettable face of the brutality of Rhodesia, a regime that was provocative and insensitive to the majority,” he said.

“This guy is a well-known Rhodesian whose hands are dripping with the blood of innocent Zimbabweans. We are going to oppose him with all our ounces of energy and with all our imagination.”

Prof Moyo said opposition parties were trying to bring the Rhodesians back.

“While we accept reconciliation, it does not mean that you should come and run my house,” he said.

“We are not saying all the Rhodesians are bad, but Bennett is objectionable.”

ZANU PF secretary for administration Cde Didymus Mutasa said: “Unfortunately at Lancaster House, it was agreed to forgive.

“At that time we never thought that the Bennett problem would ever arise. As ZANU PF, we go by forgiveness.”

With the advent of independence, Bennett was part of the group of Rhodies who still believed in white supremacy that formed the Republican Front (RF) party.

After the demise of the RF, with many whites defecting to ZANU PF and helping restore democracy, Bennett and a few other whites insisted on keeping the offshoot of the racist party.

After the political failure of RF, Bennett launched a campaign against the defectors and encouraged them to join the Conservative Alliance of Zimbabwe.

The CAZ failed to yield success again, but some of its members played a significant role in the formation of the MDC in 1999.

However, MDC-M spokesperson Mr Edwin Mushoriwa said Bennett should be appointed to the ministerial post just as a matter of “compromise”.

“The inclusive Government is a product of compromise, so Mr Bennett should be appointed to the post on that basis,” he said.

“All the three parties were given a chance to select ministers and MDC-T should be given the chance to exercise that right.”

MDC-T spokesperson Nelson Chamisa denied that Bennett was a Selous Scout.

“Where did you hear that? As far as I know he was not a Selous Scout,” he said.

Mr Chamisa said the Bennett issue was one of the main points discussed during the party’s national executive meeting that was held yesterday.

“We took a common position (at the meeting) that Bennett should be sworn-in as soon as possible,” he said.

Attorney-General Mr Johannes Tomana has since filed an appeal at the Supreme Court against the acquittal of Bennett.

(Source)

Thousands of former National Youth Training Service recruits and ZANU PF youths, who were improperly recruited into the public service, today thronged several banks in Harare demanding their salaries. The youths, who are illegally employed by the Ministry of Youth as ZANU PF ward, district or provincial youth officers, brought business to a virtual halt at some banks and nearby shops as they violently demanded their salaries.

Some banks and nearby shops closed briefly as they feared the youths could turn violent and loot their goods. At some banks, such as First Banking Corporation along Nelson Mandela Avenue, police had to be brought in to restore order. Over 30000 ZANU PF youths were illegally recruited by Saviour Kasukuwere in 2008 for the terror campaign ahead of the June 2008 presidential run-off after ZANU PF had been defeated by the earlier round of the harmonised plebiscite.

The State sponsored violence of 2008 led to the deaths of over 500 youths while thousands sustained serious injuries and others had their property and livestock looted. At present, the youths are known for being notorious in fanning violence especially in the rural areas against those who are perceived to be MDC supporters. The infamous youth training camps were abolished last year following the formation of the inclusive government.

The Parliamentary Committee on Public Accounts in January gave a directive to the Public Service Commission, the ministries of Youth and Public Service to correct the anomalies regarding the illegal employment of the ZANU PF youth officers.

(Source: via email)

Under the care of President Robert Mugabe, the Rwandan community in Zimbabwe has refused to take part in commemoration to mark the 1994 genocide that saw close to one million people being massacred in cold blood. Rwandans who have secured permanent protection and refuge in Zimbabwe are from the Hutu ethnic group, who sought asylum after the 1994 genocide.

Rwandans from the majority Hutu ethnic group are blamed for orchestrating the killings of those from the minority Tutsi ethnic group and politically moderate Hutus. The killings ended after a Tutsi dominated rebel group, led by Paul Kagame, now president of Rwanda, stormed into Kigali and over-ran the Hutu army. Each year from April 3 until the next 100 days Rwanda and the international community commemorates the genocide which saw untold numbers of skeletons from the victims buried in mass graves.

Commemorations this year are still being held in Rwanda and east African countries, United States, Canada and in Western Europe. Rwandans in South Africa also commemorated the genocide. But those living up the Limpopo say they do not have anything to do with the commemorations. Zimbabwe’s commissioner of refugees Isaac Mukaro, declined to comment. Officials from the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) in Harare referred inquiries to leaders of the Rwandan community in Zimbabwe. Karim Muhizi believes the commemorations are meant to cover up for the massacres committed by President Kagame and his rebel soldiers on their way to conquer Kigali. He said hundreds of thousands of Hutus were killed by the Tutsi rebels between 1993 and 1994 but nothing was being said about it.

“The genocide should be put into its right perspective,” Muhizi said. “We want the world to acknowledge that Kagame and his rebel soldiers massacred Hutus. It’s not only the Tutsis who were killed but Hutus also.”

Other refugees said they were angry with the behaviour of the Rwandan government and the international community, especially the Western World, for continuously failing to recognize that Hutus were also killed by the Tutsis. They also complained why only Hutus were being targeted for arrests for their alleged role in the genocide when Tutsis known to have also killed were being spared. Several thousand of Hutus are languishing in prisons in Rwanda while high profile individuals have been slapped with life jail terms for allegedly spearheading the massacres.

This week a high profile Rwandan of Hutu origin was arrested for his alleged role in financing the genocide. Charles Bandora briefly stayed in Zimbabwe, after escaping from Malawi where he had been arrested by authorities there for genocide related crimes.

It was not immediately clear how he left Zimbabwe. But reports this week suggested he was arrested at Zaventem International Airport as he tried to enter Belgium.

More than 800 000 Rwandans were killed in massacres carried out within less than 100 days in 1994 leading to an international outcry. Accused for crimes for humanity, many Hutus have now secured easy refuge in Zimbabwe and recently Rwanda’s president Paul Kagame described Zimbabwe under Robert Mugabe as a ‘another Rwanda’.

(Source)

A Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) agent was shot and wounded after a high speed chase with detectives - the bloody end to a deal gone sour over a fictitious substance known as red mercury, purportedly used in the creation of nuclear bombs.

CIO operative Mudenge Matyasha Mugwira, 32, and accomplices Merina Goto, 42, and Blessing Chitiyo appeared before a Bulawayo magistrate on Tuesday, charged with kidnapping, robbery and extortion.

A third suspect, only identified as Gushungo, is sought by the police.

Bulawayo prosecutor Malvern Nzombe told of a bizarre tale of greed, abuse of power, kidnapping and torture.

The charges against the men stem from an alleged April 28 raid on the 8th Avenue property of an Asian businessman, Faisal Gazali, in which they took him captive — Mugwira punching him twice in the face to force compliance.

The men were accusing Gazali of swapping their red mercury with a FAKE during a transaction.

Magistrate Abednico Dube heard after kidnapping Gazali, the trio drove to 12th Avenue where they picked up the missing suspect, Gushungo.

Gazali, the prosecutor told the court, was then ordered to direct the men to his house. He was threatened with death if he misled them.

With Mugwira at the wheel of a Nissan Hardbody twin cab, the men arrived at Gazali’s home where they were met by a maid and the businessman’s uncle at the gate.

“Mugwira asked the two if they knew Gazali, and they said they knew him. Mugwira then told the two it was the last time they were seeing him alive if he did not co-operate with them and drove off,” according to the prosecutor.

The quartet, the prosecution says, then drove Gazali to a bushy area in Queen’s Park, close to the Joshua Mqabuko Airport, where he was made to lie down. The businessman was repeatedly attacked with a wheel spanner, a jack handle and booted feet.

Following the assault, the men allegedly emptied Gazali’s pockets, taking away US$70 which he had on him. They also demanded US$20,000 cash or a kilogramme of gold as “compensation” for their red mercury.

“Gazali pleaded with them to reduce it to US$10,000 and they agreed and gave him up to 7 May to pay up, with a threat that he would disappear if he failed to meet the deadline,” the prosecutor alleged.

(Source)

The Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC) has defended its appointment of media hangman Tafataona Mahoso to licence journalists and media houses seeking to practice journalism and register their newspapers.

Journalists have already expressed displeasure with the appointment of the controversial Mahoso who was adjudged the worst among a list of 27 candidates who were interviewed to serve as commissioners in the ZMC last year. During his tenure at the now defunct Media and Information Commission (MIC) Mahoso presided over the closure of at least four newspapers, the deportation of several foreign correspondents and the arbitrary arrest, detention and malicious prosecution of hundreds of local journalists, editors and publishers.

The ZMC which is chaired by former broadcaster Godfrey Majonga appointed Mahoso as its chief executive officer and will run the secretariat which will receive and process applications from journalists and media houses seeking registration with the statutory body.

But ZMC commissioner Chris Mhike told journalists Tuesday that Mahoso will not interfere with the registration and licensing of journalists and newspapers.

“The decision makers at the ZMC are the nine commissioners. Dr Mahoso will not decide about ZMC. He will just implement the decisions of the commissioners. The use of the MIC secretariat is purely for practical purposes….There is problem with capacity. So ZMC is making use of the secretariat that used to serve MIC,” said Mhike who was a panellist during a discussion organised by the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA-Zimbabwe) and the Zimbabwe Journalists for Human Rights (ZJHR) to mark World Press Freedom Day in the capital.

Mhike, who was the star of the show during interviews held to appoint ZMC commissioners last year, said critics must not be concerned with personalities in assessing whether the ZMC will be able to discharge its duties.

“If we start looking at personalities it will delay the cause of media reforms in Zimbabwe. Personalities do matter but we have pressing issues at hand,” said Mhike.

Human rights and media bodies have expressed concern with the appointment of Mahoso and staff from the defunct MIC to preside over the licensing and registration of journalists and newspapers.

“Although ZLHR notes recent developments such as the establishment of a new Zimbabwe Media Commission, the gazetting of fees for registration and accreditation, and the call for applications for such registration and accreditation, we remain concerned that this new body will continue to rely on the personnel from the old discredited and partisan Media and Information Commission which wreaked such havoc and untold suffering on journalists and media houses in this country in the past,” ZLHR said in a statement to mark World Press Freedom Day.

The ZMC is expected to licence new media players and drive media reforms as part of the democratic process agreed to by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and President Robert Mugabe when they established the transitional coalition government.

(Source)

This was sent to me via email…

We were in slow-moving traffic the other day and the car in front of us had a picture of President Mugabe on the rear windscreen. It read:

“Pray for our President Mugabe - Psalm 109:8″

My husband’s Bible was lying on the dash board and he got it and opened it up to the scripture and read it. He started laughing & laughing. Then he read it to me. I couldn’t believe what it said. I had a good laugh, too.

Psalm 109:8

Let his days be few; and let another take his office.

Let us all bow our heads and pray…

Thy will be done. Amen.

THE MDC unreservedly condemns the continued manufacturing of malicious documents alleging non-existent, imaginary and concocted power struggles and factions at the party’s headquarters at Harvest House in Harare.

We note with serious concern the smear campaign by shadowy offices in Zanu PF to malign President Morgan Tsvangirai and Secretary-general Hon Tendai Biti by alleging they are involved in a non-existent power struggle.

A document manufactured by the traditional enemies of the real change agenda is currently in circulation linking the recent disturbances at Harvest House to two “factions.”

Apparently, there is only one united leadership and one faction in the MDC; the gigantic faction of a collective unit of patriotic Zimbabweans fighting to bring real change to the people; the gigantic faction of a common, collective idea of real change.

What has happened at Harvest house are disturbances to do with administrative issues which the leadership is currently seized with.

The culprits have since been suspended and an independent Commission has been set up to carry out a comprehensive probe.

These are internal hygiene issues that a gigantic and mass-based party like the MDC can deal with.

Unfortunately, these disturbances have provided an avenue for the traditional enemies of the people’s project to transport and relocate factionalism from its permanent home in Zanu PF to the MDC.

We also note that there are exogenously sponsored units traveling across the provinces to manufacture, promote and market images and impressions of a party riven with factionalism.

As a party, we understand the frustrations of those who were defeated at the last election, but defeat should not be an excuse to indulge in shameful smear campaigns.

Fortunately, the people’s project remains firmly on course. The people’s project cannot be easily waylaid or hijacked by perpetual naysayers.

The struggle for real change is our compass and we owe it to our departed colleagues to achieve a new Zimbabwe and a new beginning.

We owe it to Thabitha Marume, Getrude Mthombeni, Tonderai Machiridza and all those who have been killed, displaced or maimed over the years in their pursuit for real change and democracy.

The MDC continues to entrench itself in the hearts and minds of the people of Zimbabwe.

We are a party with its roots anchored in the people. We continue to hold massive and successful real change rallies in both urban and rural areas to strengthen our ties with the people.

We know that Zanu PF would wish to export its endemic disease of regionalism and factionalism to the MDC.

But no amount of daydreaming and hallucinations in the enemy’s camp will distract us from our historical mission to deliver real change.

(Source)

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