Messages From Zimbabwe

Vivacious Violet Gonda is a Zimbabwean journalist who is persona non grata in her own country simply because she is part of that rare breed of courageous radio broadcasters willing to take on a rogue state. Such is the paranoia in President Robert Mugabe’s ZANU PF regime that broadcast laws that deliberately prevent alternative opinion are entrenched in the legislative DNA.

The positive spinoff of this scenario has been a proliferation of shortwave and Internet broadcast stations spanning the globe, the most popular being VOA Studio 7  based in Washington DC, Voice of the People in Botswana and Violet’s own SW Radio Africa in England.

On many occasions, Zimbabweans and gullible Africans have been made to believe that vice and toxic rumour is embedded in such alternative viewpoint. In several ways, it is for this reason that ZANU PF refuses to take the Global Political Agreement forward, claiming as long as Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s MDC does not engineer closure of such stations, Mugabe will refuse to cooperate.

Bulls eat grass, but the fresh results of their digestion are unpleasant to the eye. Had there been a more family-friendly term to describe the product of this biological process, I would have had no problem labelling ZANU PF’s opinion.

Ironically, Gonda and her friends do not want to live in forced exile because of family commitments back in Zimbabwe. But as long as they face arrest, and as long as the broadcast regulations outlaw alternative opinion, we Zimbabweans at home will continue to tune in to VOA Studio 7, Voice of the People and SW Radio Africa for REAL news. What we know is that the MDC have no chance in hell to influence the closure of these stations. That makes me feel good!

But it is not all diamond that glitters from these alternative airwaves – at least according to Arthur Mutambara. There is consensus amongst his supporters that most, if not all, external broadcasters have taken a position to support Tsvangirai’s MDC-T formation at the expense of all other progressive forces of democracy. Their argument is that in the haste to rid Zimbabwe of the curse of authoritarian dictatorship, these broadcasters paint anything or anyone who takes a side that opposes Tsvangirai as anti-struggle.

They continue that  the MDC-T’s  failures are not sufficiently interrogated, while only the opinion of analysts who have something negative to say about Mutambara are given undue prominence. For example, the best news item that can ever emerge from rural Matabeleland is when councillors from Mutambara’s formation defect to Tsvangirai’s party. Such news, Mutambara’s people argue, takes precedence over the antics of Theresa Makone, Tsvangirai’s new home affairs boss who is related to Mugabe’s political hitman, Didymus Mutasa.

The two have been making the front pages for attempting to spring  habitual ZANU PF property rights violators from prison. ZANU PF, who term alternative studios “pirate radio stations”, amplify Tsvangirai’s internal party struggles, reminding readers that Makone is the same woman whose husband “controls” Tsvangirai via what they call MDC’s “kitchen cabinet”. At one time, Makone was accused of displacing the MDC women’s assembly leader in order to exert more influence on the party’s strategy. And all this – Mutambara’s people argue – does not receive airplay on “ pirate radio stations”.

As a regular contributor to these useful and value-adding radio stations, I attempt to present balanced opinions. Freelance analysts like me do not influence editorial policy, but we need to pitch our commentary from an objective perspective. I have no sacred cows. More importantly,  Gonda would not be able to influence what I say, but she would be in a position to decide what to publish depending on her editorial slant.

For example, in one of SW Radio Africa Friday night programmes called Hot Seat, Tony Reeler, director of the Research and Advocacy Unit, commenting on Mutambara’s position in government, tells Gonda: “So he’s there by grace and favour of the agreement but not by any other ground.”

A more mundane interpretation of this cryptic statement is that Mutambara is not in the coalition government by virtue of electoral credibility, but that he is the president of an MDC minority party with few seats in a remote part of Zimbabwe. Obviously with Zimbabwe’s first past the post electoral system, it would have been unthinkable to have the professor in government. Herein lies the need for progressive “pirate” analysts to offer objective radio commentary.

My angle would be that the GPA brought into government hundreds of worthless politicians from all three sides. Tsvangirai himself has on several occasions expelled councillors and recently reshuffled ministers. Accusations of corruption, underhand deals and inefficiency have plagued his party, while neutrals argue that as prime minister, Tsvangirai is guilty of soft-padding Mugabe in international foras.

Observers insist that incomes, infrastructure and public facilities are only marginally better than before the coalition, while power blackouts hound an industry struggling to emerge from recession. The human rights sector is disastrous, with no single conviction of ZANU PF zealots who murdered, maimed and raped innocent citizens in June 2008. His critics argue he has failed to rein in rogue elements raiding commercial farms including those properties protected under regional bilateral agreements. Therefore to diminish Mutambara’s role in government without a rub off on Tsvangirai’s personal political reputation is an impossible feat.

Reeler himself is a product of a decade-old struggle against dictatorship, a flag bearer of a contingent of brave human rights defenders that have survived determined ZANU PF antagonism and intimidation. In this noble group of principled citizens one finds peace campaigner Jestina Mukoko, lawyer Irene Petras, constitutional expert Lovemore Madhuku and countless other civil society activists.

But, unlike Mutambara who has risen from mere student activism to national leadership, I and Reeler have little other than political vuvuzelas to show for our rhetoric. My point is simple. This is no time to denigrate each others’ value propositions. If civil society was half as effective as its loud voice, Mugabe would have abandoned ship in 2002.

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The Third Session of Zimbabwe’s Seventh Parliament is set to bring in media reforms as outlined in the Global Political Agreement signed between Zimbabwe’s three main political parties in 2008. ZANU PF, MDC-T and the MDC signed the GPA ahead of the formation of the inclusive Government in February last year.

Opening the Third Session on Tuesday, President Mugabe said Parliament would debate the Media Practitioners’ Bill.

“A Media Practitioners’ Bill, which will repeal the part of the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act which deals with the registration of journalists and privacy issues,” he said.

The Bill is expected to change registration procedures, rather than repeal them, as had been earlier reported.

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Police Commissioner-General Augustine Chihuri has been sensationally implicated in the theft of a generator as the saga involving businessman and ZANU PF member Temba Mliswa took a dramatic twist at the Harare magistrates’ court Tuesday.

Mliswa was in court for a bail hearing facing fresh charges of stealing six generators from white farmers in Karoi between 2002 and 2003. Magistrate Don Ndirowei will deliver judgement Wednesday afternoon.

Prosecutors and members of the public were stunned when during cross examination Mliswa said three of the generators were sold to Chihuri, former ZANU PF Mashonaland East provincial chairman Paddy Zhanda and to a company owned by the Commander Defence Forces, General Constantine Chiwenga.

Mliswa said Chiwenga’s wife Jocelyn paid for the generator.

Legal observers said the revelations will give a new twist to the saga given that it is a crime to receive stolen property. The allegations by Mliswa also come against the background that he is accusing Chihuri of persecuting him over a civil matter.

Asked by prosecutor Phyllis Zvenyika where he had sold the generators to, Mliswa said: “I sold one to company owned by general Chiwenga and another to Paddy Zhanda,” said Mliswa with a straight face.

“I am told one of them was brought by the police commissioner general. The sales were done by my company Worldmark Sports International and the guy who did the transaction says it was bought by the police commissioner,” said Mliswa.

He explained that the company was in the business of buying and selling farming equipment.

Mliswa’s case has taken a political twist which has left President Robert Mugabe’s ZANU PF split.

Two weeks ago, Mugabe’s confidante and Presidential Affairs minister, Didymus Mutasa told the Daily News that Chihuri was abusing state machinery to settle personal scores.

He said Mliswa and Chihuri had clashed over ownership of a company.

In recent weeks, Mliswa has accused the Zimbabwean police chief of perpetrating human rights abuses.

Mliswa has in recent weeks, accused Chihuri of using police apparatus to hound him out of a vehicles repairs company – Noshio Motors – in which he is entangled in an ownership dispute with co-owner, Paul Westwood.

The free speaking former fitness trainer has been granted bail twice before and on each occasion police have moved in to arrest him and press new charges.

The case has also opened a can of worms as displaced white farmers are now demanding the arrest of top ZANU PF officials including some in the presidium to be arrested for looting their property during the violent and bloody invasions. They also want to recover the looted property.

The Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) says Mliswa’s case is not isolated as their property was looted in the same way by politicians throughout the country.
In court yesterday, Mliswa denied stealing the generators saying he bought them.

His lawyer Charles Chinyama produced agreements of sale that were signed during the time but the state insists that they were signed under duress.

Mliswa told the court that he was wondering who the complainant was in his case as the two white farmers in question had long relocated.

“The million dollar question is who the complainant is. I’m told the white farmers who sold me the generators moved to Iraq a long time ago.” said Mliswa.

(Source)

Zimbabwe’s opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) has received more than 200 calls from distressed Zimbabweans fearing xenophobic attacks, an official says.

“Since Sunday, we’ve been receiving calls… I received 207 calls from members of the party who say they can’t go home…” MDC SA spokesman Sibanengi Dube told reporters in Johannesburg.

“They said they were seeing locals standing in groups, strategising [to attack].”

Dube said the calls were from all corners of the country, but most of them came from the Western Cape.

“I received calls of individuals who claimed to have been beaten up,” he said.

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The United Nations has appointed Alain Noudehou as new UN resident coordinator and resident representative for UNDP in Zimbabwe, replacing the long-serving resident representative Agostinho Zacarias who left in 2009, APA learns here Monday.

The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) said Noudehou takes over as the world body’s humanitarian coordinator with immediate effect following the departure of Zacarias at the end of last year.

Since Zacarias’ departure, Elizabeth Lwanga has served as interim resident representative.

Before coming to Zimbabwe, Noudehou served as UNDP resident representative in Tanzania between 2007 and last month.

He previously served as deputy resident representative in Rwanda from 2004 to early 2007.

He started his UNDP career in Gabon as head of the UN’s Leadership Development Programme between 2002 and 2004.

Prior to his career with UNDP, Noudehou worked for US-based Community Habitat Finance (CHF) International Inc., an international development service provider.

He rose through the ranks from programme officer in 1995 to country director for CHF in South Africa between 1996 and 2000.

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Zimbabwe and Mozambique have been listed among the seven countries most vulnerable to the economic impact of natural disasters and unsafe for investors, insurers and doing business, according to a report published here Saturday.

A new research by the UK-based risk intelligence and ratings company Maplecroft said the two African countries are among states regarded as in “extreme risk” to the vagaries of environmental disasters.

The research ranked earthquake-ravaged Haiti as the riskiest country in terms of vulnerability to economic losses from natural disasters.

The seven countries are rated at “extreme risk” in the high frequency index, with Haiti (1), Mozambique (2), Honduras (3), Vanuatu (4), Zimbabwe (5), El Salvador (6) and Nicaragua (7) topping the ranking, the group said.

The Natural Disasters Economic Loss Index (NDELI) published by Maplecroft evaluates the economic impact of earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, tsunamis, storms, flooding, drought, landslides, extreme temperatures and epidemics between 1980 and 2010.

The index measures the risk of economic losses from damage costs and deaths caused by natural disasters, reflecting both the direct impact of natural disasters on property and infrastructure plus the indirect impacts on the population.

Although Zimbabwe is less prone to serious natural disasters like earthquakes and flooding, it is the country’s precarious economic climate that makes it particularly vulnerable to loss in the event of such emergencies occurring.

To provide an accurate picture of the global situation, the NDELI is split into two rankings – one measuring the risks to the 87 countries that suffer a high frequency of natural disasters and the other evaluating the 116 countries that experience less than one event per year.

The research also classified a number of industrialized economies, including Italy, Japan, China, US, Spain and France, as “high risk” environments for investors, insurers and business.

Italy was ranked 18th while Japan, China and US were ranked in the top 30 riskiest countries.

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Zimbabwe may soon attain Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) status after the International Monetary Fund (IMF) asked it to prepare an urgent request for debt relief under the initiative in order to offset the debt distress the country is facing.

The request was made last month during a visit to Zimbabwe by an IMF mission led by Vitaly Kramarenko.

In a report released this week, the IMF stated that the country, which is recovering from a decade-long economic decline, is severely debt-distressed and that neither income from the huge mineral resources nor the implementation of the Fund’s policy recommendations could resolve the country’s debt overhang without debt relief.

“The (IMF) authorities agreed that the country was in debt distress. Following intense debate within the government on possible use of mineral wealth to resolve external debt arrears, consensus is emerging among key government officials that mineral wealth alone would not be sufficient to achieve debt sustainability. As a result, the government is working on a comprehensive ‘hybrid’ strategy involving both a request for debt relief under the HIPC Initiative to resolve external payments arrears and use of fresh international financial institution financing and mineral wealth to achieve sustainable development,” the IMF stated.

Zimbabwe is struggling to repay its US $7.145 billion external debt and is currently in arrears of US $4.575 billion.

According to the IMF, the country’s external position was so unsustainable that without intervention, external debt could reach 151 per cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) by 2015, with 104 per cent of GDP in arrears.

Finance minister Tendai Biti this week said the country’s economy was “sick” from an array of factors including lack of capital resulting from a lack of foreign direct investment, lines of credit and budgetary support from donors as well as mounting inflation and a lack of fiscal space.

Zimbabwe, which needs around US $10 billion to turn its economy round from a severe depression of 10 years resulting from a political crisis brought about by unprecedented land reforms, has been struggling to attract investors and donors to provide the much-needed capital.

Biti said the first quarter of 2010 was the most challenging and the economy’s “factors of sickness” had dampened the prospects for recovery and had returned inflationary pressures.

Between January and June, inflation surged from a target regime of one per cent to 6.1 per cent, and researchers project that it may surpass 10 per cent by August.

The IMF stated in its report that there was no way out for Zimbabwe but through debt relief. It recommended that the country prepares a request for HIPC status.

The HIPC initiative was initiated by the IMF and the World Bank in 1996, following extensive lobbying by NGOs and other bodies.

It provides debt relief and low-interest loans to cancel or reduce external debt repayments to sustainable levels for countries with high levels of poverty and unsustainable debt levels.

It has worked for several poor countries including Zambia, which, in 2005 won massive debt relief that saw its debt falling from US $7.1 billion to only US $500 million while some of it was rescheduled and spread over a period up to 2022.

“There is a debate in Zimbabwe on whether the country’s mineral wealth can be used to resolve external debt arrears. (IMF authorities) estimate that at end-2009, Zimbabwe’s net foreign asset (NFA) position, including the net present value of future mineral receipts under an optimistic scenario for the extraction of high-value minerals, is significantly negative, in the order of 63 per cent of GDP,” the IMF stated.

“Just maintaining this high level of the negative NFA would require generating non-mineral primary external current account surpluses whereas this balance now stands in deficit at over 35 per cent of GDP.

Closing such a large gap without debt relief is not feasible in the foreseeable future, even if the challenges with competitiveness and the business climate are addressed without further delays.”

The IMF recommended a Staff Monitored Programme for Zimbabwe, in which it will seek to strengthen the country’s policies and data reporting, as well as improve relations with the international community.

“The authorities agreed that making timely quarterly payments to the Fund and increasing them over time, as the payment capacity improves, will strengthen the credibility of their commitment to normalizing relations with the Fund,” it stated.

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ZANU PF businessman Themba Mliswa was on Wednesday charged with fraudulently acquiring properties worth US$25 million from two white farmers after allegedly lying to them he could prevent their land from being acquired for resettlement.

A bail hearing is expected on Thursday but the state has indicated it will oppose the application insisting Mliswa could interfere with witnesses some of whom are yet to be located.

The state, according to court papers, will also argue that Mliswa is facing serous allegations and “chances of him escaping to neighbouring countries are high since he has associates in those countries (and) has means to start a new life anywhere else”.

In the first case prosecutors allege Mliswa approached Karoi farmer Petros Jacobs Van De Merwe whose land was gazetted for acquisition in June 2004 and offered to help the farmer auction his equipment.

Van De Merwe had been given until October of the same year to wind down his operations but Mliswa claimed authorities would not allow him to sell his equipment.

The state claims Mliswa – a member of ZANU PF and vice president of the Affirmative Action Group – then told the farmer he was connected to influential people and could help dispose of the equipment for a 10 percent commission.

Prosecutors allege Mliswa sold the property which included a 104 herd of cattle, heavy vehicles, tractors and other equipment, altogether valued at US$3.6 million then converted the proceeds to his own use.

In the second case prosecutors accuse Mliswa of approaching Kwekwe farmer, Nico Van Rensburg whose farm had also been gazetted for acquisition and offered to “protect” him.

The farmer was made to sign an agreement which claimed the property had been sold to Mliswa in the vain hope this would stave-off acquisition.

“After conclusion of this purported agreement (Mliswa) then took 3000 herd of cattle worth US$900000 and farm equipment that included bulldozers, tractors, lorries, graders pick up trucks all valued at US$20000000.

“The farmer later realised that he had been duped after Mliswa later claimed ownership of the said property on the strength of the said agreement,” prosecutors said.

Mliswa was also arrested last week on charges of fraudulently acquiring shares in a Harare business in a case that sucked in Presidential Affairs Minister Didymus Mutasa – to whom he is related – and co-Home Affairs Minister, Theresa Makone.

He was jointly charged with Mutasa’s son Martin and police accused the two ministers of trying to intimidate officers into releasing them from custody.

The ministers denied the charges.

Meanwhile police also said they are preparing 40 new cases against Mliswa.

Asked by the businessman’s lawyers why the cases had taken long to come to court, prosecutors said Mliswa intimidated investigating officers and claimed he was untouchable because of his political connections.

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A Zimbabwean diplomat stationed in Teheran, who was recalled after being drugged by two Iranian women at his apartment in January, has won reinstatement after challenging the Foreign Affairs Ministry’s decision at the Labour Court.

Secretary for Foreign Affairs Ambassador Joey Bimha had recalled Mr Brighton Mugarisanwa – a counsellor at the embassy in Teheran – following the publication of the reports by the Iranian media, which the Government found embarrassing.

Mr Mugarisanwa’s contract was due to expire in December 2011.

He, however, successfully challenged the recall with the Labour Court ruling it was unprocedural, as Mr Mugari-sanwa had not been afforded the chance to be heard in a disciplinary hearing.

The dispute centres around events that occurred on January 11.

On the day in question, Mr Mugarisanwa invited two Iranian women – one of them married – to his apartment in Teheran at around 8:35pm.

It is an offence punishable by a prison term for a married Iranian woman to be alone with a man who is not her husband.

One of the women drugged Mr Mugarisanwa and the diplomat, in his own report, said they stole his personal property including his office keys, as he lay unconscious.

Two newspapers subsequently published articles on the matter on March 3, headlined “The consequences of lustful behaviour of a foreign diplomat who picked up two street women”, and “The consequences of whimsy capriciousness of a foreign diplomat”.

On March 7, the diplomat received a letter informing him that he had been recalled and would be based in Harare.

Ambassador Bimha pointed out that Mr Mugarisanwa should have respected the laws and regulations of his hosts and that his actions were putting the Government of Zimbabwe into disrepute.

The Secretary for Foreign Affairs also averred that his office had the right to transfer personnel in cases of breach of contract and the recall was in compliance with the law and would “minimise discomfort on his (Mugarisanwa’s) part”.

The Labour Court said Ambassador Bimha noted in the letter that Mr Mugarisanwa “was failing to cope with the social living conditions in Iran as he was previously counselled on acts of indiscretion involving relations with women”.

In April, Mr Mugarisanwa wrote to the Foreign Affairs Ministry acknowledging that one of the two women who drugged him was married.

Mr Mugarisanwa argued that the transfer would result in a disruption of his plans as he had children at Gateway School in Harare whose fees were being footed by Government while he was stationed abroad.

He said his salary would drop from US$5056 to US$165.

Zimbabwe’s Ambassador to Iran, Mr Nicholas Kitikiti, also filed his own report on the matter.

The Labour Court on June 24 ruled that Mr Mugarisanwa had been recalled on the basis of reports by the media, Ambassador Kitikiti and his own report but disciplinary proceedings had been deferred until the diplomat was back in Harare.

Citing the 2002 case of the director of works and Anor versus Nyasulu and Ors, Labour Court president Mrs Betty Chidziva said: “Even if the transfer had been justifiable as merely administrative moves and not punitive ones, the respondent had a legitimate expectation of being heard before being transferred, so that his views, wishes and personal circumstance would be taken into account.”

She added: “The transfer is a drastic action. The recall to head office means that he will forfeit the US$5000 monthly salary and payment of school fees for his children at Gateway.

“The applicant has already lost all these benefits before he has been heard.

“In this case the applicant had the legitimate expectation to be heard before he was recalled and before his benefits were terminated but this was not done.”

As such, Mrs Chidziva ruled, Ambassador Bimha was interdicted from recalling Mr Mugarisanwa until disciplinary proceedings were complete.

“(Ambassador Bimha) be and is ordered to reinstate the applicant without loss of salary and benefits and to restore the applicant’s diplomatic status as well as pay his children’s school fees.”

The Foreign Affairs secretary was also ordered to bear the costs of the application. The Public Service Commission was cited as the second respondent.

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Troubled ZANU PF official and businessman Temba Mliswa tasted freedom for a few minutes before he was arrested again by police from the dreaded CID Homicide Section and is being investigated for an alleged fraud committed in 2005.

The never ending Mliswa saga is taking twists and turns amid revelations police commissioner Augustine Chihuri is out to fix the controversial politician over a vehicle repairs company deal which went sour.

Mliswa, who at the weekend attacked Chihuri accusing him of being corrupt, is locked in a shareholding dispute with businessman Paul Westwood over Noshio Motors.

Mliswa says Chihuri is corruptly involved with Westwood and wants to keep him incarcerated for as long as possible.

Last week, Mliswa was granted bail by a magistrate court but the state invoked the draconian Section 121 of the Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act which was supposed to keep him in remand prison for at least seven days while the state considered appealing.

But the Attorney General’s office decided against appealing meaning Mliswa had to be released but the police moved in to arrest him at Harare remand prison soon after he had returned from Mbare police station where he had been detained since Friday after being snatched by police from prison.

A family member who spoke to Radio VOP on Monday said Mliswa is being held at Rhodesville police station.

“The state felt the case was more of a civil matter than criminal and decided against appealing meaning Temba had to be released. All the documentation had been done and he was on his way home when police swiftly moved in to arrest him.

“It’s not clear what charge he is facing this time but we understand that they were questioning him in connection with a fraud they said he masterminded in 2005 and it involves Wedzera Service Station at his farm.

“When they seized him from prison on Friday, they tried to link him with a homicide crime but failed. We are being told that they are getting orders from Chihuri to make sure he stays detained as long as possible. It’s now becoming ridiculous and laughable. We now understand why human rights groups complain so much about individuals in the police who abuse their power,” said the Mliswa family member.

Mliswa’s case has torched a storm in government with police last week accusing the minister of presidential affairs Didymus Mutasa and co-minister of home affairs Theresa Makone of trying to intimidate officers to release Mliswa and his co-accused Martin Mutasa who is minister Mutasa’s son.

But Mutasa his furiously hit back accusing Chihuri of using state apparatus to pursue personal issues and likened such abuse of office as that witnessed in Rhodesia.

Makone is said to have gone to the police station where the three were detained to investigate claims that Chihuri was indeed pursuing a personal matter using police. She was wanted to get the side of the suspects.

(Source)