Messages From Zimbabwe

United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon held secret talks with President Robert Mugabe today, asking the Zimbabwean leader to conclude a power-sharing deal with opposition parties.

The two men met “one-to-one” for 30 minutes today on the sidelines of a UN development meeting in Doha, Qatar.

“I met with him about the deteriorating humanitarian situation and we discussed power sharing,” Ban said in an interview with Bloomberg News in Doha. “I agreed with him not to talk publicly about what was said. It was one-on-one.”

Zimbabwe has been without a legal government since the opposition Movement for Democratic Change won control of the nation’s parliament in elections on March 29. They haven’t agreed on a power-sharing deal and the political vacuum has created an economic and humanitarian crisis.

Mugabe last week barred former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan and Graca Machel, the wife of former South African President Nelson Mandela, from visiting Zimbabwe to assess the humanitarian situation.

Ban met Mugabe after consulting Tanzania’s President Jakaya Kikwete, chairman of the African Union, who encouraged the encounter, according to Augustine Mahiga, Tanzania’s ambassador to the UN.

Mahiga said that after the African Union and 15-nation Southern African Development Community failed to persuade Mugabe to agree on a deal with the MDC, Ban’s intervention might be the “last opportunity” for a peaceful settlement.

‘Brutally Honest’

“He is the only voice that Mugabe hasn’t heard and he has the moral authority of being secretary general,” Mahiga said.

“Someone has to sit down with him and be brutally honest,” said Tiseke Kasambala of New York-based Human Rights Watch in an interview from Johannesburg. “His country is in a state of collapse.”

Mugabe told the conference that Zimbabwe “has been and continues to be a victim of unilateral and illegal coercive economic measures aimed at undermining the government through regime change.”

The U.S., which doesn’t consider Mugabe a legitimate head of state, said it was a mistake for the UN to allow him to speak.

“It’s extremely ironic and unacceptable for Mugabe to be going to the UN Conference on Financing Development in Doha while you had the implosion of his economy and the crisis of his population taking place,” Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi E. Frazer said in a statement.

(Source)

Found dead, strangulated, and mutilated. These are some of the words a doctor and the police have used to describe the death of Movement for Democratic Change councillor for Chinake, Aloys Chandisarewa Sanyangore.

A father of six, Sanyangore was an elderly politician who tirelessly served the MDC in Murehwa ward 16.  On the 8^th of November 2008, just after midnight, a number of men surrounded his home. As the frail man stumbled to walk outside, suddenly the ‘visitors’ came upon him. Mr Sanyangore was then strangulated and his body mutilated to the extent that the doctor conducting his post mortem ended up ruling that no human being would be able to view his body and his head would be covered into the grave with other parts also masked in thick cloth.

Sanyangore’s niece, Petronella Sithole gave further details to the ZimEye of how her uncle had served the MDC till his death. She detailed how before the March elections, the elderly man had been once abducted and forced to publicly declare that he is ‘sorry for supporting the MDC’, and that he had now returned to support the ruling party.

However, despite his forced public voicing for the ruling party, Sanyangore did not know that he would in a few months’ time meet his death bed.

Another member of the family has also disclosed to the ZimEye how two unidentified men were seen following the body on the way from the mortuary. According to witnesses these men did not attend the funeral at all but were only noticed at the mortuary and disappeared afterwards.

Sanyagore’s goes into record as the 6^th man to die in the Chinake village. His daughters, Chipo Sanyangore and Patroneller Mtoko who are now in the United Kingdom fear returning to their home which has now been abandoned.

(Source)

Mr Thabo Mbeki

Dear Sir,

Re: Constitutional Amendment No 19

Given the fact that the SADC resolution is a nullity and has not been rescinded, it is then difficult for any of the parties to move in any direction for fear of legitimising the SADC Summit “ruling”. It means then that the negotiators cannot meet and work on the draft of Constitutional Amendment No 19.

There is a total meltdown in Zimbabwe and indeed a complete collapse of the state. Put simply, the state has lost any capacity to provide the basic amenities to the people in the form of food, education, health, transport. This situation, if left unresolved, will explode or implode and indeed such explosion or implosion will have a contagious multiplier effect in the region.

In addition to the meltdown, there are vicious attacks on the members of the MDC contrary to the dictates and spirit of the MOU and the GPA. There is a renewed wave of violence, abductions and assaults against the MDC and the people of Zimbabwe in the obvious direction of replicating the post 29 March barbaric violence, in particular the arrest and continued detention at unknown centres of MDC Mashonaland West senior leadership such as Concilia Chinanvanana and 11 others. Furthermore, the ZANU PF regime is crafting an assassination plot, code-named Operation Ngatipedzenavo (Let Us Finish Them) intended to eliminate the MDC leadership and decimate the party through frivolous allegations.

There are flimsy attempts to frame the MDC as a terrorist organisation that is training people for the purposes of banditry and insurgence. There are people that are being used to frame confessions and militias are being trained by ZANU PF to act as MDC bandits in an attempt to delegitimise the MDC.

We look forward to hearing from you on the way forward.

Tendai Biti, MP

MDC Secretary General(Mbeki’s response was addressed to “Mr Morgan Tsvangirai”)

Dear Morgan

Today I received the letter dated 19 November 2008, which was correctly communicated through the South African Embassy in Harare, written to me by your secretary general, the Hon Tendai Biti, MP, concerning Constitutional Amendment No 19.

I must confess that the contents of this letter came to me as a complete surprise, causing me grave concern.

As you know, Mr Biti’s letter describes the decisions on Zimbabwe, taken by the November 9 SADC Extraordinary Summit Meeting held in South Africa, as “a nullity”.

The letter goes further to say that “it is then difficult for any of the parties to move in any direction for fear of legitimising the SADC Summit ‘ruling’”.

The first point I would like to make with regard to the foregoing is that, as you know, we were appointed as facilitator of the Zimbabwe Dialogue by the SADC.

This position was later endorsed by both the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN), both of which expressly rely on SADC to facilitate the Zimbabwe Dialogue, and thus contribute to the resolution of the Zimbabwe problem.

You will, therefore, understand that it is absolutely impossible for us as the SADC-appointed facilitator to contemptuously to dismiss solemn decisions of an SADC Summit Meeting as “a nullity”.

Indeed, and necessarily, all such decisions serve as a binding mandate on the facilitator.

The second point I would like to make is that contrary to what the Hon Tendai Biti says in his letter, the three Zimbabwe negotiating parties, including yours, and with the support of the facilitation, have agreed that they should meet with the facilitation to consider the Draft Constitutional Amendment No 19.

The facilitation had proposed that this meeting should take place in South Africa on November 19 and 20, with the intention to finalise this draft during this interaction.

Both ZANU PF and the MDC (M) agreed to this proposal. However the meeting did not take place, essentially because of the reportedly unavoidable unavailability of your secretary general, the Hon Tendai Biti, who is one of your negotiators.

Subsequently, your negotiators suggested that the meeting should be rescheduled to take place in South Africa on November 25.

The facilitation canvassed this proposal with the other Zimbabwe negotiating parties and secured their agreement.

Accordingly, as of now, we expect that the meeting to consider the Draft Constitutional Amendment No 19 will be held on November 25, as your negotiators proposed.

As you know, on November 17, the facilitation received from the Hon Patrick Chinamasa the First Draft of the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment No 19 Bill, 2008.

We immediately distributed this draft to all three Zimbabwe negotiating parties, preparatory to the meeting then scheduled to be held on November 19-20.

Subsequently, the facilitation was informed that the MDC (T) had prepared its own Draft Constitutional Amendment No 19.

The facilitation welcomed this initiative by the MDC (T), which was consistent with the manner in which the SADC-mandated Zimbabwe Dialogue has been conducted during a period of over 18 months.

By agreement, this has allowed that each and any of the Zimbabwe Negotiating Parties should be absolutely free to present their views during the dialogue process, without let or hindrance, which has happened.

I would therefore like to assure you that consistent with previous practice, the facilitation is ready to facilitate consideration of all Drafts of Constitutional Amendment No 19 in an even-handed manner, guided by what is contained in the signed Global Political Agreement.

(As has been agreed, we will take all necessary steps to ensure that Amendment No 19 includes the provisions contained in the agreement signed privately on September 11, which, for whatever reason, are absent from the agreement signed in public on September 15.)

Correctly, the Zimbabwe negotiating parties had agreed, without any SADC intervention, that some of their decisions, as reflected in the Global Political Agreement, would have to be legalised through constitutional amendments.

We are completely at a loss as to what the Hon Tendai Biti means when he writes that with regard to Constitutional Amendment No 19, “it is then difficult for any of the parties to move in any direction for fear of legitimising the SADC Summit ‘ruling’”.

When the SADC Summit Meeting called for the approval of Constitutional Amendment No 19, it did nothing more than to endorse a logical decision which the Zimbabwe negotiating parties had already concluded.

Neither the MDC (T), nor the other two Zimbabwe negotiating parties had expressed this (Biti) view to the facilitator, as we prepared for the November 19-20 and November 25 meetings, that the SADC approval of an existing decision of the Zimbabwe negotiating parties created a new problem.

And indeed, neither ZANU PF nor the MDC (M) has, to date, expressed any such view. To the best of our knowledge, they remain ready to participate in the November 25 meeting.

In addition, you will also remember that, in your presence, at the November 9 SADC Summit Meeting, both President Mugabe and Professor Mutambara informed the meeting that they accepted the SADC decisions, and committed their organisations to their full implementation.

The deputy treasurer general of the MDC (T), and one of your negotiators, the Hon Elton Mangoma, kindly conveyed to the facilitation the resolutions adopted by the 7th MDC National Council of 2008, which met in Harare on November 14, 2008.

In this regard, the facilitation took particular note of the resolution which stated that:

“3. Given the lack of sincerity and lack of paradigm shift on the part of Zanu PF, the MDC shall participate in a new government once Constitutional Amendment No 19 has been passed and effected into law.”

In this regard, the facilitation also took note of the November 14 report carried on the Kubatana Internet website, which said:

“(MDC (T) Vice President Thokozani) Khupe said: ‘Given the lack of sincerity and lack of paradigm shift on the part of ZANU PF, the MDC shall participate in a new government once Constitutional Amendment No 19 has been passed and effected into law.”

All this suggested to the Facilitation that the Zimbabwe Negotiating Parties should indeed proceed as speedily as possible to agree on Constitutional Amendment No 19.

The immediate foregoing is part of the reason why we find it immensely puzzling that even after the announced decisions of the 7th MDC National Council of 2008, your secretary general has now informed us that it is in fact impossible and impermissible to draft and enact Constitutional Amendment No 19 into law.

This is not the appropriate platform to discuss the intricacies of the Zimbabwe negotiations, in which you and ourselves have been involved for many years.

However, you know the circumstances which led the SADC Troika of the Organ on Politics and the SADC chairperson, and subsequently the November 9 SADC Extraordinary Summit Meeting, to focus on the matter of the Ministry of Home Affairs.

As the SADC executive secretary reported to the November 9 SADC Summit Meeting, when the SADC Troika of the Organ on Politics and the SADC chairperson met in Harare on October 27-28, they engaged the Zimbabwe negotiating parties, including yourself, in intense negotiations, deliberately without the participation of the facilitator.

The clear message communicated to the SADC Troika of the Organ on Politics and the SADC chairperson during these interactions was that the only obstacle to the formation of the Zimbabwe Inclusive Government, as agreed in the Global Political Agreement (GPA), was the finalisation of the dispute about the political leadership of the Ministry of Home Affairs, and the subsequent legalisation of the GPA through the enactment of Constitutional Amendment No 19.

You will remember your own insistence that in the context of the agreement that there should be two ministers of home affairs, these should serve in rotation, with the MDC (T) appointee taking the first slot.

You affirmed that if this were to be agreed, it would mark the conclusion of the negotiations about the distribution of the ministerial portfolios, and therefore enable the establishment of the Zimbabwe Inclusive Government, with your endorsement and support.

Because of this, basing themselves on what they learnt from the negotiations they conducted directly with the Zimbabwe negotiating parties, without the involvement of the Facilitation, the Troika of the SADC Organ on Politics and the SADC chairperson concluded that the most urgent and outstanding task relating to the formation of the Zimbabwe Inclusive Government was the resolution of matters relating to the Ministry of Home Affairs.

During the SADC meetings, the Troika of the Organ on Politics and the SADC chairperson emphasised that they recognise the fact that there are some outstanding matters that still need to be negotiated, and therefore asked that the facilitator should help ensure that this happens.

As we said earlier, for us as the facilitator, this constitutes a binding mandate which we must honour.

It is therefore factually incorrect that SADC has ignored various outstanding matters which you might have raised or which have served and serve on the agreed dialogue agenda.

In this regard, I would like to make one or two observations about the matter of “equity” with regard to the distribution of ministerial portfolios, which is mentioned in the resolutions of the 7th MDC National Council of 2008.

At your request, which was supported by the other two Zimbabwe negotiating parties, we prepared and submitted a document to you as the Zimbabwe principals, naturally including you, entitled “Reflections and Proposals of the Facilitation: Towards the Achievement of the Objectives of Equity and Power-sharing in the Constitution of the Inclusive Government: Harare, October 17 2008.”

All three Zimbabwe negotiating parties responded to this document in writing. Of the three, only the MDC (T) fundamentally disagreed with the observations of the facilitator.

As you know, the facilitator’s document did not constitute a “ruling”, as it could not. It was a response to a suggestion you yourself had made, and should have been subjected to a discussion among the Zimbabwe principals and the facilitator.

However, as was your right, you responded to the facilitator in two documents. This happened shortly before the Troika of the SADC Organ on Politics and the SADC chairperson were to meet in Swaziland.

In the light of this decision, the facilitation thought it proper that it should submit to the Swaziland meeting copies of these five documents - the facilitator’s “Reflections …” and the four responses, two from the MDC (T), - both to the SADC Troika of the Organ on Politics and the SADC chairperson, as well as the SADC Extraordinary Summit Meeting, which was done.

The facilitation has no reason to assume that these documents were not considered by the SADC structures.

We are, therefore, not aware of the basis of the statement made by the 7th MDC National Council of 2008 that SADC ignored the issue that MDC (T) had raised, relating to “equity” in the distribution of ministerial posts.

With regard to other outstanding matters, in your presence the SADC executive secretary reported that the SADC Troika of the Organ on Politics and the SADC chairperson agreed that these should not be forgotten or ignored, but should not hold up the formation of the Inclusive Government.

SADC directed that the facilitator should continue to focus on these matters, within the context that it set, which coincided with the approach of the facilitation.

It is perfectly clear to us as the facilitation that SADC is firmly of the view that the sooner the agreed Zimbabwe Inclusive Government is established, the better.

Our region considers this to be the most critical and urgent strategic task to implement, to move decisively towards the resolution of the challenges facing Zimbabwe.

As you know, the facilitation agrees with this view.

In this regard, you as the Zimbabwe principals agreed with the facilitator that senior officials of the Zimbabwe and South African governments should engage one another to address the issue of the provision of agricultural inputs that would help to ensure that during the current summer agricultural season, the people of Zimbabwe do everything possible to produce the food they need.

As you will recall, this decision was taken on the basis of an urgent request presented to the facilitator by the Zimbabwe Commercial Farmers’ Union (CFU).

Together we agreed with the CFU that the intervention to produce food should not be held back because of delays in the conclusion of an agreement among the politicians about the composition of the Zimbabwe Inclusive Government.

On the basis of this mandate, the relevant Zimbabwe and South African senior officials have indeed interacted with one another.

I have the assurance of the president of South Africa, HE Mr Kgalema Motlanthe, that the Government of South Africa is ready to honour its obligations in this regard, precisely because of its abiding concern about the welfare of the sister people of Zimbabwe.

I mention this particular issue, concerning the agricultural season that is upon us, to emphasise the point that all of you, the principal Zimbabwe Leaders, have consistently communicated to me your unqualified understanding of the reality that it was of strategic and urgent importance that the Zimbabwe Inclusive Government should be established without further delay, as the SADC Extraordinary Summit concurred.

In his November 19 2008 letter, the Hon Tendai Biti, secretary general of MDC (T), raised various matters of grave concern to the MDC (T).

In particular he mentioned:

·  a complete collapse of the Zimbabwe state;

·  the absolute inability of the state to “provide the basic amenities to the people”;

·  the threat of an “explosion” or “implosion” in Zimbabwe, which would “have a contagious multiplier effect in the region”;

·  “a renewed wave of violence, abductions and assaults against the MDC and the people of Zimbabwe“;

·  the “crafting (by ZANU PF) of ‘an assassination plot, code-named Operation Ngatipedzenavo (Let us Finish Them) intended to eliminate the MDC leadership and decimate the party through frivolous allegations;

·  “flimsy attempts to frame the MDC as a terrorist organisation that is training people for the purposes of banditry and insurgence”; and,

·  “people being used to frame confessions, and militias being trained by ZANU PF to act as MDC bandits in an attempt to delegitimise the MDC”.

Again, as you know, the letter from the Hon Tendai Biti ends with the appeal to the facilitator - “We look forward to hearing from you on the way forward.”

The above observations and allegations made by the Hon Tendai Biti are indeed extremely grave and demand immediate action.

The very firm and unequivocal view of the facilitation in this regard, which the Hon Biti requests, is that we must move with the greatest speed to establish the Inclusive Government, as provided for in the Global Political Agreement.

We must, as a matter of extreme urgency, establish the new Zimbabwe government, which will include the three parties represented in the democratically elected Zimbabwe parliament.

This government must operate according to the principles and procedures detailed in the Global Political Agreement, which both determines that RG Mugabe will be president, and that Morgan Tsvangirai will be prime minister, and specifies the roles of these leaders in the Inclusive Government.

The MDC (T), like the other Zimbabwe parties, must, within an Inclusive Government, take responsibility for the future of Zimbabwe, rather than see its mission as being a militant critic of President Mugabe and ZANU PF.

The signing of the Global Political Agreement has provided the possibility for the leaders of the people of Zimbabwe to govern Zimbabwe together, and together to solve the national problems, including the ones raised by the Hon Tendai Biti in his letter to me.

All that is now required is that these leaders must remain true to their word. They must implement the agreement they have signed.

In this regard, they have absolutely no need to refer to their external supporters for approval, however powerful they might seem, including any and all South African formations.

All that is required is that you, the leaders of the people of Zimbabwe, should do what you have committed yourselves to do, and that is all!

In the context of the observations made by the Hon Tendai Biti in his November 19 letter to the facilitator, Zimbabwe urgently needs precisely the agreed Inclusive Government, to:

·  rebuild the state machinery of Zimbabwe;

·  enable it to meet the needs of the people;

·  overcome the current socio- economic crisis;

·  end the threat of the explosion or implosion of Zimbabwe;

·  end all manifestations of repression, intimidation and violence; and

·  guarantee the democratic and human rights of all Zimbabweans, including their political and other formations.

The Hon Tendai Biti should not transfer the achievement of these tasks to the facilitator, SADC and the AU.

This responsibility belongs squarely to the people of Zimbabwe and their leaders.

The official signing of the Global Political Agreement in Harare on September 15 opened the way for you as Zimbabwe’s leaders, and the formations you represent, to act together not as political opponents, but as partners in pursuit of a shared and defined objective of the reconstruction and development of Zimbabwe, the reconciliation and unification of its people, and the entrenchment of democracy.

As you have agreed, in the first instance this must be expressed in the formation of the Zimbabwe Inclusive Government, which must work together as a cohesive formation, together as one, to address the priorities identified in the Global Political Agreement, in the manner prescribed in this agreement.

You and I know that objectively, Zimbabwe desperately needs the establishment of this Inclusive Government, and that this is the most urgent demand of the masses, the people who elected the three parties, including yours, which are represented in the Parliament of Zimbabwe.

Without in any way reflecting on their merits, which would require protracted investigations, the only and most rational way to address the challenges raised by the Hon Tendai Biti is to form the Zimbabwe Inclusive Government and table the matters at issue even at the very first meeting of the cabinet of the Inclusive Government.

We suggest, humbly, that given the fact of the Global Political Agreement, the MDC (T), and indeed the MDC (M), should no longer treat themselves as opposition parties or protest movements, and neither should ZANU PF consider and relate to them as such.

The agreement that has been reached and signed provides that Zimbabwe will and must have a ruling coalition of three co-operating parties.

Acting together, within the agreed framework, these will and must constitute the new “ruling party” of Zimbabwe, which must govern Zimbabwe as this “one” entity.

Contrary to all this, the Hon Tendai Biti asks that we should support the delay in the formation of the Zimbabwe Inclusive Government and help to sustain an untenable situation according to which, despite the agreed and signed Global Political Agreement, the signatories should continue to treat one another as opposed political formations engaged in a deadly fight, one against the other.

Where conflicts and problems continue to persist among the Zimbabwe political parties and the supporters of these, surely the framework has now been established for these to engage one another to address these conflicts and problems!

I am certain that the longer we postpone using this framework, relying on the luxury of a facilitator and other informal advisers, the longer we will perpetuate the terrible misery that afflicts the people of Zimbabwe.

As facilitator, a neighbour and an African, I am immensely proud of the extraordinary work you have done to develop the comprehensive consensus that now exists among yourselves as the leaders of the people of Zimbabwe, which provides the roadmap which defines what must be done to pull Zimbabwe out of the abyss.

What the people of Zimbabwe, our region and Africa now need is the sense of patriotism among yourselves as leaders of the people of Zimbabwe and as African patriots, which will inspire you, despite and beyond personal and partisan interests, to implement the agreements you have concluded.

In this regard, it may be that together, openly, and sooner rather than later, we must give an account to the masses of the people of Zimbabwe of what has been agreed during 18 months of negotiations, and what it is that holds up the united, national advance towards the alleviation of the problems of Zimbabwe, and therefore the speedy improvement of the quality of the lives of the people.

You know this, too, that the rest of Southern Africa, your neighbouring countries, has also had the unavoidable obligation to carry much of the weight of the burden of the Zimbabwe crisis, in many ways.

You know that, among other things, various countries of our region host large numbers of economic migrants from Zimbabwe, who impose particular burdens on our countries.

Loyal to the concept and practice of African solidarity, none of our countries and governments has spoken publicly of this burden, fearful that we might incite the xenophobia to which all of us are opposed.

Nevertheless, the leaders of the people of Zimbabwe, including you, dear brother, need to bear in mind that the pain your country bears is a pain that is transferred to the masses of our people, who face their own challenges of poverty, unemployment and underdevelopment.

This particular burden is not carried by the countries of Western Europe and North America, which have benefited especially from the migration of skilled and professional Zimbabweans to the north.

In the end, when all is said and done, Zimbabwe will have to exist in peace and productive collaboration with its neighbours in Southern Africa and the rest of Africa.

Realistically, Zimbabwe will never share the same neighbourhood with the countries of Western Europe and North America, and therefore secure its success on the basis of friendship with these, and contempt for the decisions of its immediate African neighbours.

I say this humbly to advise that it does not help Zimbabwe, nor will it help you as prime minister of Zimbabwe, that the MDC (T) contemptuously repudiates very serious decisions of our region, and therefore our continent, describing them as “a nullity”.

It may be that, for whatever reason, you consider our region and continent as being of little consequence to the future of Zimbabwe, believing that others further away, in Western Europe and North America, are of greater importance.

In this context I have been told that because leaders in our region did not agree with you on some matters that served on the agenda of the SADC Extraordinary Summit Meeting, you have denounced them publicly as “cowards”.

Such manner of proceeding might earn you prominent media headlines. However, I assure you that it will do nothing to solve the problems of Zimbabwe.

As you secure applause because of the insult against us that we are “cowards”, you will have to consider the reality that our peoples have accepted into their countries very large numbers of Zimbabwean brothers and sisters in a spirit of human solidarity, prepared to sustain the resultant obligations. None of our countries displayed characteristics of cowardice when they did this.

All of us will find it strange and insulting that because we do not agree with you on a small matter, you choose to describe us in a manner that is most offensive in terms of African culture, and therefore offend our sense of dignity as Africans, across our borders.

As facilitator I am more than convinced that we should hold the November 25 meeting as proposed by your negotiators, to agree on the text of Constitutional Amendment No 19, and the procedures for its approval.

The facilitation therefore confirms the arrangements that have been made for this critically important meeting.

Consistent with the principle agreed from the very beginning of the SADC-mandated negotiations, that no party to the negotiations has veto powers, the facilitation will engage any party that arrives to attend the November 25 meeting which your negotiators proposed, and which we convinced the other parties to accept.

As a matter of courtesy, as well as for their information and action, I would like to inform you that I will make available the November 19 letter of the Hon Tendai Biti to me, and this response to you, to:

·  the other Zimbabwe negotiating parties;

·  the chairperson and acting chairperson of the SADC Organ on Politics etc;

·  the chairperson of SADC;

·  the chairperson of the AU;

·  the chairperson of the AU Commission;

·  the secretary general of the United Nations; and,

·  the executive secretary of SADC.

Yours sincerely,

Thabo Mbeki

(Source)

by Morgan Tsvangirai

The people of Zimbabwe urgently need the help of the whole world to stop the impending famine and plague. The people of Zimbabwe need their political parties to commit themselves to ending the needless suffering they endure every day.

The humanitarian crisis that is now engulfing all Zimbabweans represents the greatest threat ever to face our country. While millions face starvation in the coming months, the death toll from cholera is now sitting at over fifty people per day and will increase dramatically now that the rainy season has begun in earnest.

In this regard, I would like to take this opportunity to thank former United Nations Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, former United States President, Jimmy Carter, and Dr Graca Machel for their commitment to understanding the Zimbabwean crisis and for trying to identify solutions to halt the humanitarian catastrophe that faces the country.

It was no surprise to anyone that Mr Robert Mugabe denied them access to the country, to see firsthand the appalling conditions that Zimbabweans are living under as a result of his political and economic mismanagement. Mr Mugabe would prefer that the suffering that he and ZANU PF have caused, and continue to cause, remains in the dark.

When we signed the political agreement on September 15th, 2008, we believed that ZANU PF was willing to work with us to address the challenges facing the country. Sadly, their intransigence to date is making that appear increasingly unlikely.

Therefore, the MDC must instead work with those Zimbabwean organizations, groups and individuals to address the humanitarian crisis. In this quest, we look also towards any country, regional or international, multi-lateral bodies and NGOs to join with the MDC and the people of Zimbabwe in helping us solve the problems of our country.

Therefore, in the absence of any progress in the talks, the MDC is now committing itself to addressing the humanitarian crisis in Zimbabwe. The people of the country have mandated us to end their suffering, to work towards a New Zimbabwe and a New Beginning. In the absence of a legitimate government in Zimbabwe, in the absence of a government of Zimbabwe that puts the will and welfare of the people first, the MDC must take on this leadership responsibility.

The people of Zimbabwe are determined to endure the suffering so long as there is no meaningful change in the way that they are governed. That is the message that they have given to the MDC and it is the message that the MDC gives to the rest of the world.

This does not mean that we are not turning our back on the Global Political Agreement, nor are we withdrawing from the talks. Rather, we are saying that until we see real indications that the negotiations will end the suffering of all Zimbabweans we cannot allow ourselves to be distracted from working towards the goal of alleviating the peoples’ suffering.

The tragedy that is Zimbabwe is not caused by the current political impasse. Rather, this political impasse and the current suffering are caused by a former ruling party refusing to acknowledge both the will of the people and the hardships they are causing the people.

To suggest the current problems facing our country can be solved by the MDC becoming a powerless partner in a ZANU PF government, fails to acknowledge the truth about the causes of the crisis and the fact that such a development would result in the perpetuation of the peoples’ suffering.

The Mugabe team negotiates as though their priority is to cover up the problem rather than solve it. Establishing a unity government dedicated to covering up the problem would be easy; establishing a unity government that can help to solve the problem is very hard.

The most recent sign of the lack of good faith by ZANU PF is the reappointment of the Governor of the Reserve Bank, Gideon Gono. This individual, who has been the architect of Zimbabwe’s economic collapse and has blatantly plundered the national treasury to fund ZANU PF and its elite, has been rewarded with another five year term. Surely, if Mr Mugabe was genuine in his desire to address the problems facing the country he would not breach the global political agreement by making any senior appointments unilaterally.

Furthermore the continued abduction of MDC members that we have witnessed in the past few weeks including confirmed disappearance of 15 of our members reflects the ongoing disregard for the spirit of cooperation and coexistence and demonstrates the lack of good faith on the part of Mugabe.

Sadly, the negotiations have also been hampered by the attitude and position of the facilitator, Mr Thabo Mbeki. He does not appear to understand how desperate the problem in Zimbabwe is, and the solutions he proposes are too small. He is not serving to bring the parties together because he does not understand what needs to be done. In addition, his partisan support of ZANU PF, to the detriment of genuine dialogue, has made it impossible for the MDC to continue negotiating under his facilitation.

In this regard, we have written to the Chairman of SADC, South African President Kgalema Motlanthe, detailing the irretrievable state of our relationship with Mr Mbeki and asking that he recuse himself.

In the meantime, the MDC is continuing in discussions with no prejudice on the outstanding issues with the other political parties.

I would like to reiterate that the MDC is ready, willing and able our leadership to bring about the change that Zimbabwe needs from an inclusive government. We have a viable and bankable economic stabilization program and other key policies, that we want to discuss with ZANU PF so that we can implement them together to respond urgently to the suffering of our people.

That is the mandate we have from the people.

(Source)

As president, I worked actively with African leaders and the British to change the apartheid regime of Rhodesia into a democratic Zimbabwe in 1980. Eight years later, The Carter Center established one of our first Global 2000 agriculture projects in Zimbabwe - so successful that we soon shifted our emphasis to more needy countries. At that time, Zimbabwe was known as a breadbasket for the region and set an example for the rest of Africa in economic stability, education, and health care.

Now, after almost three decades of governmental corruption, mismanagement, and oppression, Zimbabwe has become a basket case, an embarrassment to the region and a focus of international concern and condemnation. From our earliest days, the Elders have monitored this political and humanitarian crisis, while realizing that its resolution must come from within Africa. There is great aversion among even the most enlightened African leaders to “interference” from former colonial powers and their allies, including the United States. However, these same leaders have been reluctant to assume responsibility for the political stalemate and evolving humanitarian catastrophe.

Since I had played a strong role in the founding of his nation and worked closely and harmoniously with President Robert Mugabe early in his tenure, the African Elders welcomed my participation in a mission to assess, publicize, and help to alleviate the suffering of the people of Zimbabwe.

I met former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan and Graça Machel, women’s activist and wife of Nelson Mandela, in Johannesburg, South Africa, on November 21. The Elders’ CEO Mabel van Oranje and her staff had made an advance visit to Zimbabwe and arranged our itinerary there and in South Africa. Their understanding with the Zimbabwe government officials was that our visas would be issued when we arrived in Harare, if not earlier. However, when we met with former South African president Thabo Mbeki, the mediator designated by other Southern African (SADC) leaders to facilitate the political dispute in Zimbabwe, he delivered a message from Harare that we would not be welcomed and no visas would be forthcoming.

We had known that this was a possibility, so we proceeded to learn as much as possible from a series of delegations that came from Zimbabwe to meet us in Johannesburg. We obtained visas and airline tickets for those who needed our help. Our discussions were with ambassadors of major donor nations, heads of UN agencies, regional managers of CARE, Save the Children, World Vision, and Zimbabwean civil society leaders who were human rights defenders, business and financial executives, representatives of teachers, doctors, nurses, farmers, women, and victims of torture and AIDS. We also met with Botswana President Ian Khama, South African President Kgalema Motlanthe, ANC party president (and prospective South African president) Jacob Zuma, and Zimbabwe’s opposition party leaders Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara.

In summary, we had a complete and balanced agenda and more frank discussions than would have been possible in the oppressive and restrained environment of Harare.

The current political crisis originated with a fraudulent presidential election in March 2008, with Tsvangirai (MDC) probably winning an actual majority, but being awarded 47.9 percent and Mugabe (ZANU PF) 43.2 percent of the votes when the results were finally announced five weeks after Election Day, forcing a runoff between the two. Orchestrated violence and brutal persecution of Tsvangirai and his supporters forced him to withdraw from the runoff, and Mugabe retained his office by default. African political leaders largely ignored reports by their election observers, but a series of negotiations under SADC auspices finally resulted in a power-sharing agreement signed by Mugabe and Tsvangirai on September 15.

President Mugabe has not been willing to cede any real power to his opponent, who is supposed to assume the co-equal role of a strong prime minister. A constitutional amendment will be required to establish this office in the government and to spell out its legal duties. It is imperative for this to be accomplished without delay so that a functioning government can be formed.

With Tsvangirai in exile (not being issued a passport), the trend toward a national tragedy has accelerated. The official inflation rate is now 231 million per cent (the actual rate 2,000 times as much), and thousands of people stand in line each day to receive an allowance of 500,000 Zim dollars (about 2¢ U.S.) from their own bank accounts, not sufficient to buy even half a loaf of bread. Teachers receive about one U.S. dollar per month, which will not pay the cost of transportation to and from schools, many of which have closed. Within the last three months, school attendance has dropped from 85 percent to less than 20 percent, with students going mainly in hopes of obtaining some food. Teachers report that there are 20 students for each remaining textbook.

The manager of a supermarket chain reported that shelves are empty of necessities, so some valued workers, as in banks, are compensated with a few liters of fuel or a basket of food instead of the worthless currency (bills are in denominations of 100s of billions). Meanwhile, top government officials and other privileged people can exchange Zim money at a favourable rate that is several thousand times more than the official rate available to other citizens. They profit greatly from these monetary transactions and shop in special stores.

The four major hospitals, the medical school, and most other hospitals and emergency clinics no longer operate, and police have clashed with doctors and nurses who insist on the ability to treat their patients. It is reported that 3,500 AIDS victims are dying weekly, and there are cholera outbreaks in all ten provinces because of uncontrolled sewage and lack of clean water. More than 600 cases of cholera were reported on the Zimbabwe side of the main South Africa border crossing during the four days prior to our arrival. The government admits 294 deaths from cholera, and Zimbabwe doctors told us that there are more than 6,500 cases, with a death rate ten times greater than when normal treatment is available. This outbreak of cholera is arousing growing opposition to immigrants in all the neighbouring countries.

The exodus continues; the UN reports an average of 19,000 “mobile and vulnerable people” (MVPs) leaving Zimbabwe each month, with 15,000 of them entering South Africa and most of the others going to Botswana. It is estimated that as many as 4 million people have left Zimbabwe, seeking food, medical care, and freedom from abuse. Some of the more privileged move freely back and forth across the border, selling purchased goods at a huge profit when they return home. The middle class is departing, leaving behind the extremely poor and the small elite group around Mugabe who are profiting from the economic disaster.

One night we visited Central Methodist church, where 2,000 refugees were eating and sleeping in the rooms and corridors. Bishop Paul Verryn was struggling to raise funds to support this remarkable humanitarian operation. Human rights activists reported to us that there has been a recent increase in police brutality, especially at the international borders, and frequently mentioned Police Superintendent Commander Mabunda as orchestrating the oppression.

Almost all of this year’s planting season has been lost because of a lack of seed and fertilizer, and the World Food Program estimates that 50 percent of the population will need food assistance before April 2009. The next potential harvest will be in April 2010 - if supplies become available. Relief agencies report the channelling of available supplies to ruling party loyalists and a deliberate starving of MDC party leaders.

This entire debacle is exacerbated by denials of an emergency by Mugabe, who uses the controlled news media to blame the suffering of his people on non-existent economic sanctions. His tightly controlled and well organized political party, ZANU PF, has always been a military organization, with humanitarian concerns relatively unimportant compared to remaining in power. Ambassadors from donor nations and leaders of major humanitarian organizations report that there is no substantive contact permitted between them and national government officials.

Without a political solution, the economic and social fabric of society will continue its free fall. When it is impossible to pay the army and the enormous civil service, the result may be a resort to internecine violence in what could become a failed state, similar to Somalia.

The overriding problem has been reluctance of key African leaders, especially in South Africa and neighbouring SADC countries, to confront Robert Mugabe and force him to accept the result of the March election and more recently to comply with negotiated political agreements to share governmental authority with Morgan Tsvangirai and the opposition party. The result is that human suffering, denied and concealed by the Mugabe regime, escalates and the poisonous effects, including a cholera epidemic, are spilling over into the entire region.

If action by SADC leaders continues to be ineffective, it is imperative that the African Union and the United Nations take action. A first step, short of intercession, could be to send independent fact-finding teams to Zimbabwe to obtain information directly from major donors, international relief agencies, medical doctors, teachers, farmers, and other citizens who have described their experiences to us.

In the meantime, there is a desperate need for food, medicine, and cash contributions, which can be made to established humanitarian agencies including CARE, World Vision, and Save the Children - or Bishop Verryn. It is counterproductive to contribute money that can be confiscated by the Zimbabwe government. Additional information will be posted at http://www.theelders.org/.

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Zimbabwe’s political rivals will meet in South Africa today for talks to end a political deadlock, amid mounting pressure from regional leaders for a deal to prevent the humanitarian crisis becoming still worse. Negotiators from President Robert Mugabe’s ruling ZANU PF party, the opposition Movement for Democratic Change and a breakaway MDC faction will meet former South African President Thabo Mbeki to discuss a draft constitutional amendment paving the way for a new government. Mbeki has been reviewing the draft law, which many in the southern African country hope will usher in a new government to end a crippling economic crisis that has seen inflation soar to more than 230 million percent. The MDC has refused to enter government, accusing ZANU PF of trying to take the most powerful ministries and freeze it out, violating a Sept. 15 power-sharing deal.

Talks on forming a cabinet have been deadlocked for two months. The power-sharing agreement may unravel if Mugabe names a cabinet without MDC agreement, jeopardising what is seen as the best chance of reversing a decade of gradual economic collapse. The MDC had threatened to boycott Tuesday’s meeting, but said on Monday it would attend the talks and aim to address all the issues stalling an agreement. “Our team, consistent with the duty and obligation to represent the people, will attend tomorrow’s meeting in South Africa,” spokesman Nelson Chamisa told Reuters. “We will not accept any parochial and reductionist approach that seeks to impose only one item, the constitutional amendment on us. We all know there is a basket of issues that have to be tackled collectively.”

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The MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai will not join a ZANU PF government unless “all the unresolved issues” have been settled.

These issues include equal control of powerful ministries such as defence and home affairs, equal sharing of governorships and other top civil service posts, including ambassadorial positions, and the fraudulent doctoring of the document outlining the terms of the power sharing agreement.

The party also demanded that the constitutional amendment giving effect to the power-sharing deal be passed by Parliament before any new government can be appointed.

The Zimbabwe government has embarked on a campaign of disinformation with its mouthpiece The Herald claiming that a meeting of the MDC top leadership last Friday had decided to join the new government on ZANU PF’s terms.

“Neither Robert Mugabe nor ZANU PF has the legitimacy to form a government.

The SADC resolution does not bestow Mugabe with the right to form a government,” said Thokozani Khupe, the party’s vice-president, who chaired the meeting in the absence of Tsvangirai who was at an EU meeting in France.

The party leadership promised to wage a campaign of peaceful resistance against any new administration set up by the Mugabe.

“In the event that any illegitimate government is formed, the MDC will not be party to it. We will peacefully, constitutionally and democratically mobilise and campaign against the illegitimate government,” said Khupe.

She also revealed that the party had uncovered a plot to murder its leaders. Without pointing a finger at anyone, Khupe simply said the national council “notes with concern… the crafting of an assassination plot intended to eliminate the leadership of the MDC.”

State-sponsored violence against MDC supporters has been on the increase again since the beginning of November. The party continues to receive reports from the around the country of harassment, beatings, arrests and abduction of its members. The leadership again expressed serious concern for the lives of 12 activists who have been missing for more than two weeks.

They were arrested during early morning raids at their homes in Banket more than two weeks ago and have not been heard from since, despite an urgent High Court order filed last week demanding they be brought to court. The police are increasingly defying court orders, secure in the knowledge that the judges will do nothing to enforce their own rulings. Despite hundreds of instances of defiance of court orders, no policeman or government official has ever been convicted of contempt of court.

Other opposition activists have said ZANU PF was returning to its ‘default language of violence,’ saying they were now being attacked randomly. MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa said earlier this week the party was concerned that “ZANU PF is trying to implicate us in some kind of larger strategic game plan.”

The government has accused Botswana of training MDC activists for war, but Botswana has denied this. The Mugabe regime has, in the past, alleged that MDC militias were being trained on farms in South Africa. Several MDC members were arrested and put on a show trial, which eventually fizzled out for lack of evidence. The judge condemned the police for attempting to “cook up” evidence.

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President Kgalema Motlanthe and his Botswana counterpart Ian Khama will attempt to find a solution to Zimbabwe’s political and humanitarian crisis when they meet at the Presidential Guest House in Pretoria today. The crisis in Zimbabwe has been worsened by the outbreak of cholera, which has already spread to South Africa, as well as by the influx of refugees into South Africa and Botswana. The two leaders will try to put pressure on Zimbabwe’s ruling ZANU PF and the main opposition parties to agree on the allocation of cabinet posts. The issue remains the main obstacle to the implementation of the country’s power-sharing agreement. This is the first official working visit to the country by Botswana’s leader ever since he came into office last year. It is not clear at this stage about the main focus of the talks between President Motlanthe and his neighbouring counterpart. However observers say the two leaders will try to put pressure on Zimbabwe’s ruling ZANU PF and the main opposition parties to agree on the allocation of cabinet portfolios. The South African government announced last week that it was withholding agricultural aid to Zimbabwe until a representative unity government is in place.

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The government is investigating whether Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, violated Zimbabwean immigration laws when he travelled to France using an Emergency Travel Document (ETD). Government sources said yesterday immigration officials at Plumtree border post in Matabeleland South were likely to take the flak, for allegedly allowing Tsvangirai to cross into Botswana despite the fact that his ETD limited travel to South Africa and Swaziland. While in Botswana, Tsvangirai attended President Ian Khama’s parliamentary address in which he called for fresh presidential elections in Zimbabwe to be managed and supervised by the international community. From Botswana, Tsvangirai launched a diplomatic offensive that took him to Zambia and Tanzania. Both countries are not included on the ETD. Government sources said yesterday that the Attorney General’s Office was perusing relevant statutes to see if Tsvangirai flouted the country’s laws especially with regard to his visit to France, the current chair of the European Union (EU). The sources said government officials at Munhumutapa Building in Harare as well as at the Registrar General’s Office were incensed that Tsvangirai was able to travel to Europe without a valid passport. Some sources speculated that the issue could spark a diplomatic row between Harare and Pretoria, which allowed him to fly out to Europe. “The South Africans should not have allowed Tsvangirai to fly out to a European destination as the ETD is specific that he is only allowed to travel to South Africa and Swaziland. There is consensus that the South Africans are complicit on the issue,” said a government official, speaking only after insisting he was not named.

He said if immigration officials established that Tsvangirai violated Zimbabwean laws; he would be arrested the moment he touched down at the Harare International Airport or at any point of entry. However, an immigration official, also speaking anonymously, said colleagues at the Plumtree border post would be blamed for allowing the MDC leader through into Botswana. He said Tsvangirai should have been barred from entering Botswana via Plumtree and should instead have been advised to proceed on his way through Beitbridge. The government has accused Khama of helping to train MDC bandits to destabilise Zimbabwe, a charge denied by Tsvangirai and his party. Khama last week invited the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Zimbabwean government to visit Botswana to establish whether any training camps existed. “But the issue has to be handled with caution considering that all eyes are on Harare due to the stalled power-sharing arrangement,” said another source.

Tendai Biti, the secretary general of the MDC-T and Tsvangirai’s second in command, told The Financial Gazette that the MDC leader had not violated any law, saying he held proper travel documents. “One thing people are forgetting is that President Tsvangirai has a valid passport but it has run-out of pages,” said Biti. “If the French decide to stamp on tissue paper and have no problem with that, I don’t think it is Tsvangirai’s problem,” said Biti, who on Tuesday had two charges against him dropped by the state due to lack of evidence. “The Registrar should issue him with a passport as he submitted an application about five months ago. There is no issue here, really,” Biti said. The chief MDC negotiator in the stalled power-sharing arrangement reiterated that the question of the passport was one of the contentious issues during the recent SADC talks but regional leaders allegedly chose not to address it. Sikhanyiso Ndlovu, the Minister of Information and Publicity, said it was a mystery how Tsvangirai had traveled to Europe on an ETD and the government was entitled to probe the matter. “The government has a right to know how he travelled with an ETD and what he was doing instead of finalizing the formation of a new inclusive government,” said Ndlovu. “We are busy trying to finalise the issue of Draft Amendment 19 but he is gallivanting in Europe.”

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Former South African president Thabo Mbeki, the mediator in the Zimbabwean crisis, had no option yesterday, but to cancel a meeting of ZANU PF and MDC negotiators he had called to discuss Draft Amendment Bill Number 19, amid indications that the MDC resolved to snub the SADC-appointed trouble-shooter.

Draft Amendment Number 19, which formalises the posts of prime minister and two deputies was completed at the behest of SADC to facilitate the establishment of a unity government in Zimbabwe.

The Financial Gazette can exclusively reveal that on Tuesday Mbeki asked the negotiators to converge in Johannesburg for a meeting that was scheduled to be held yesterday to deliberate on the Draft Amendment Bill made available to him by the authorities in Harare, but the MDC resolved to boycott any further SADC initiatives until the regional body addresses what the party regards as critical outstanding issues.

Sources in Pretoria said Mbeki, who was eager to have a new government in Zimbabwe as early as possible, reluctantly postponed the meeting to next Monday after being informed that the MDC’S chief negotiator, Tendai Biti had prior engagements in the United States.

“The facilitator had invited the ZANU PF and MDC negotiators to Johannesburg for a meeting, which was supposed to take place today (Wednesday), but he has deferred it to Monday after MDC-T said its chief negotiator will not be available,” said the sources.

The same sources said Biti had indicated he would only be available either on Monday or Tuesday next week.

Biti, however, told The Financial Gazette that MDC negotiators would not attend the Monday or any further meetings involving the power-sharing agreement until SADC rescinds its resolution and shows “seriousness” about resolving the Zimbabwean crisis.

“Our national executive council rejected the SADC resolution that the three political parties should form a government. So we are not meeting anyone as we have a problem with the SADC resolution,” said Biti.

“We cannot legitimise an illegal and ill-conceived SADC resolution by meeting anyone in South Africa. As MDC negotiators, we have no mandate to meet anyone in South Africa on any SADC business as the SADC resolution was rejected by the party’s national executive council. I repeat we are not meeting anyone,” he said.

Biti denied asking for the postponement of yesterday’s meeting until Monday on the pretext that he was travelling to the USA. “It’s just a blue lie. I am not going anywhere. I am in Harare and will be in Dotito while they meet in South Africa. The truth of the matter is that we are not going to that meeting. We have stated our position and we are not going anywhere and are not meeting anyone,” said Biti.

The Financial Gazette is reliably informed that both ZANU PF and MDC-M strongly believe the Tsvangirai camp and particularly Biti, is deliberately sabotaging the talks.

“SADC leaders know our position and that we are committed to the power-sharing arrangement, but pretend not to know,” said Biti, denying any intention to sabotage the negotiations.

After its national executive council meeting last Friday the MDC-T said it would only enter into a coalition government only after the Constitutional Amendment Number 19 has been passed into law and other six allegedly outstanding issues have been ironed out, including the issue of the appointment of the 10 provincial governors and other senior government officials such as permanent secretaries and ambassadors.

The MDC-T has also raised an issue over the alleged alterations to the power-sharing agreement signed by the three parties on September 15.

Priscilla Misihairambwi-Mushonga, the deputy secretary general of the MDC-M, confirmed they were due to meet yesterday, but the meeting had been moved to next week. “Yes, we were supposed to meet sometime this week in South Africa, but the meeting has been postponed to next week,” said Misihairambwi-Mushonga.

“The purpose was to look at draft Amendment Number 19,” she said.

Patrick Chinamasa, the ZANU PF chief negotiator, was not immediately available for comment. But it is understood ZANU PF wants the draft passed with speed in parliament to facilitate the formation of a new government.

(Source)